This dissertation project investigates the sociopolitical implications of racial capital, defined as Blacks’ belief in the significance of systemic racism. Prior racial attitude studies investigate Blacks’ tendency to endorse systemic (i.e., structural) versus individual (i.e., in-born ability, cultural, or motivational) explanations for racial inequality in U.S. society. Historically, Blacks overwhelmingly endorse systemic explanations for racial inequality. Yet, recent studies show increasing trends wherein Blacks endorse individual explanations for racial inequality. These recent findings expose heterogeneity in Black political thought. However, prior studies neglect the full implications of Blacks endorsing systemic explanations for racial inequality. To address this gap, this dissertation project analyzes a nationally representative sample of Black adults completing the Outlook on Life Surveys, 2012, to examine relationships between racial capital and perceptions of racial progress, political activities, and social capital. I address several questions: (1) Does racial capital associate with the perception Obama’s 2008 presidential election showed Blacks now enjoy racial equality? (2) Does racial capital associate positively with political activities? (3) Does racial capital associate positively with social capital? There are three broad takeaways from this dissertation project. First, Blacks gain capital from believing in the significance of systemic racism. It might be a new type of bonding capital. Second, there are capital, variously defined, disparities between high and low-SES Blacks. For example, racial capital’s benefits extend disproportionately to high-SES blacks. Stated differently, low-SES and dispossessed Blacks do not reap as much capital from believing in the significance of systemic racism. Third, racial capital merits further investigation. Not counting this dissertation project, few studies investigate racial capital. Capital gained from belief in the significance of systemic racism may extend beyond political activities and social capital. For example, racial capital may be consequential for Blacks’ mental health, psychological resources, physical health, and more.